Today, European Movement UK delivered a petition signed by more than 27,000 people directly to Downing Street, calling on the new Prime Minister to set out a more ambitious future for the UK in Europe.

The petition sets out five clear asks for the Prime Minister:

• Drop the red lines on Europe
• Publish, by the end of 2026, a strategy for cementing the UK’s place in Europe
• Make the UK Europe’s closest security partner
• Launch a national conversation about our European future
• Put a well-considered route to EU membership in Labour’s next manifesto.

The hand-in marks the culmination of a campaign that has seen more than 27,000 people add their names in support of a bolder approach to the UK’s relationship with Europe. But delivering the petition is only the beginning.

For our security, our opportunities and our quality of life, the UK cannot afford to settle for the approach of previous governments. The new Prime Minister now has an opportunity to lead the country towards a new European future, and European Movement UK will continue pushing the government to seize it.

Emma Knaggs, Deputy CEO of European Movement UK, said:

“More than 27,000 people have sent a clear message to the new Prime Minister: Labour votes, and the public at large, wants greater ambition about the UK’s future in Europe.

“Today we made sure that message reached Downing Street. Now we need the Prime Minister to act on it.

“This is about our security, our opportunities and our quality of life. The UK has an opportunity to build a stronger European future, and our movement will keep pushing until that opportunity is seized.”

More details on Our Five Asks for Andy are here.

Social care, cost of living, and the Middle East have been part of the Prime Minister and his team's early communications blitz. But what about Europe? 

There is a new EU team in the Foreign Office with Ed Miliband, Lord Wood of Anfield and Hamish Falconer, now taking responsibility for the EU brief. But there is yet to be a new date set for the postponed, and second, UK-EU Summit, and no word on whether the new PM will stick to Labour's red lines on the customs union, single market and freedom of movement. This leaves us with questions that need answers.

Firstly, who now leads the Summit talks? Maroš Šefčovič has spoken to Hamish Falconer, referred to Jonathan Reynolds as his counterpart, and Ed Miliband is venturing to France and Spain to meet European leaders. Clarity on this is essential. 

Next, what is the new administration's wider strategy on UK-EU relations? Beyond small deals and good vibes, the EU summit talks have stagnated. Partly to do with the previous government's lack of ability to address the big problems, such as defence spending, regulatory divergence from our largest trading partner and persistent red tape. 

We need to know when Andy Burnham will lead diplomatic efforts to Europe, either through Ursula von der Leyen or other national leaders of EU member states. We also need to know where we stand in regards to the advanced talks that were due to be coming to a close, and announced, by the date of the delayed summit. Namely, the talks on:

A food deal

The government has already said it is forming a new strategic partnership with the EU on the trade and movement of plants, plant products, animals, animal products, feed and food. This is called a sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) agreement. Will this still happen by their target date of mid-2027? UK businesses need clarity.

A youth mobility deal

This is yet to be fully agreed. No operational post-Brexit youth mobility visa route or final treaty text has been finalised. Will young people in the UK finally be able to study and work freely in Europe?

Emissions trading

The UK Emissions Trading Scheme (UK ETS) is already linked to the EU ETS via the Trade and Cooperation Agreement. This link is not an unlimited carbon market merger. A full and permanent link between the two schemes would deliver profound benefits to both sides.

Sir Nick Harvey, CEO of European Movement UK, said:

"The first weeks of any new government matter. They establish its priorities, define its political direction and reveal which problems it is prepared to confront. Andy Burnham’s administration has begun with a rapid series of announcements focused on living costs and public services. But amid that activity, one major question remains unanswered: what is the government’s plan for Europe?

"Issues which are not established as priorities at the beginning of an administration can quickly become secondary as budgets, crises and political pressures soon crowd out longer-term reform. 

“Unless Europe is placed firmly within the government’s economic programme now, there is a danger it will once again be reduced to occasional summits, technical negotiations and modest adjustments."

See our Five Asks for Andy here.

European Movement UK has today set out five asks for Andy Burnham as he takes office, calling on the new Prime Minister to seize the moment and build a bold, forward-looking agenda that leads the UK towards a new European future.

The Five Asks are:

• Drop the red lines on Europe
• By the end of 2026, publish a strategy for cementing the UK's place in Europe
• Make the UK Europe's closest security partner
• Launch a national conversation on the UK's European future
• Put a route to EU membership in Labour's next manifesto

Drop the red lines on Europe

European Movement UK says the Government's self-imposed red lines have become barriers to the UK's prosperity and security. While the relationship with Europe has stabilised and improved, the group argues the red lines no longer make sense in today's world. To deliver the economic growth the Government has promised, and to give businesses confidence, it is calling on the new Government to remove the arbitrary and self-imposed restrictions on the UK joining the European single market and customs union.

Put a route to EU membership in Labour's next manifesto

The campaign wants the Government to stop tinkering around the edges of the relationship with Europe and to commit that the next Labour Party manifesto will include a clear pathway for closer European integration, including the option of opening accession negotiations for the UK as a member state. European Movement UK says this is about recognising that the UK's long-term future will always belong in Europe, and giving the public an honest, democratic choice.

Cement the UK's place in Europe by the end of 2026

The group is calling for a comprehensive, integrated strategy for rebuilding the UK's place in Europe by the end of 2026. It notes that the UK is back in Erasmus+ and that progress on an SPS agreement is being made. It says the UK and EU should now finalise the Youth Mobility Scheme, agree mutual recognition of professional qualifications, and negotiate a solution to the obstacles facing cultural and creative professionals. For shared prosperity and security, European Movement UK also wants deeper defence and security integration, linked Emissions Trading Systems, cooperation on energy procurement and price controls, and ultimately a roadmap towards the UK's single market participation.

Make the UK Europe's closest security partner

European Movement UK says this must not wait. It is calling on the Government to deepen defence cooperation, participate fully in European defence programmes such as SAFE, align foreign policy where appropriate, and make the UK central to Europe's shared security architecture.

Launch a national conversation on the UK's European future

The campaign argues that every problem the country faces has been made worse by its untimely exit from the EU, and that the UK must be clear about the root causes of its problems and address them head-on. It wants an open national conversation on questions such as freedom of movement, economic alignment with European neighbours, defence cooperation, and joint efforts to tackle climate change. Europe, the group says, is integral to who we are and what we want to be as a country.

Ireland takes up the Presidency of the Council of the European Union today, and it has made clear that building a stronger relationship between the UK and the EU will be one of its priorities. For everyone who believes the UK belongs at the heart of Europe, that is good news.

The Presidency runs from 1 July to 31 December 2026. For those six months, Ireland is in the driving seat, setting the agenda, chairing the negotiations, and bringing 27 governments together to get things done. It is a role that carries real influence over the direction of EU policy, and Ireland has held it seven times before, most recently in 2013. But so much has happened since then, most notably the UK leaving the EU.

This time, the UK is written directly into the plan. Ireland's official programme describes the UK as a vital partner for the EU, and commits to advancing positive relations with it, alongside the United States and Canada.

That commitment goes beyond words. Ireland will likely invite UK government ministers to informal meetings it will host over the six months. It is a small but significant gesture, and a sign of how seriously Ireland is taking the job of bringing the UK and the EU closer together.

Ireland is the EU member state most closely bound to the UK economically. Irish and British businesses run deeply integrated supply chains across goods, services, energy, finance, higher education and research, and choices made at EU level have immediate consequences for investment, jobs and growth across these islands. A closer partnership means more opportunity on both sides of the Irish Sea.

The wider Presidency is built around three themes: competitiveness, values and security. Ireland has said it wants a Presidency defined by action and by delivery, with work planned on the EU's long-term budget for 2028 to 2034, the single market, enlargement, and continued support for Ukraine.

Placing the UK relationship within that framework matters. It treats closer cooperation with the UK as part of Europe's own strength and stability. That is exactly the kind of partnership we want to build: one measured in the practical benefits it delivers for people, across the economy, opportunities for young people, safety and security, energy and the environment, and health.

The timing is significant. With trust between the UK and the EU steadily growing, having a close friend of the UK in the Presidency chair for the second half of 2026 is a real opportunity, especially for the next UK-EU summit later this year. It is a chance to move forward together, on the areas where working more closely would improve life for people in both the UK and the EU.

Ireland understands the value of that partnership better than most. Its own membership of the EU has, in the government's own words, transformed the country, supporting peace, prosperity and opportunity. Over the next six months, it is well placed to make the case, from the inside, for a future where the UK and Europe move forward together.

New polling commissioned by European Movement UK shows that the public wants the UK to begin charting a long-term path back into the European Union, with a clear majority backing a considered, decade-long plan rather than a rushed return.

Key takeaways from the polling:

• 58% of people agree that the UK needs to think about its long-term future in the European Union, against just 27% who say membership should never be revisited.
• Voters favour a managed, not rushed, route to full membership, with evidence pointing to support for a credible and well-prepared process rather than an immediate return.
• The public wants the new Prime Minister to act now, setting the country on a path back towards Europe.

The findings show that many voters recognise that rebuilding the UK's relationship with Europe requires preparation, consensus-building and practical reforms before membership can realistically be achieved. That is why European Movement UK is launching a 10-year plan to join the European Union.

Rather than reopening old arguments, the plan focuses on the future: growing the economy, creating opportunities for younger generations, strengthening the UK's influence in the world, and ensuring that any decision to join is made from a position of confidence and national unity.

The 10-year roadmap sets out a path to:

1. Rebuild trust with European partners and restore the UK's reputation as a reliable, constructive neighbour.
2. Demonstrate the economic benefits of closer cooperation, restoring practical links on trade, security, research and education.
3. Build a new national consensus, showing the public the responsibilities and the benefits of membership, and forging cross-party agreement on the UK's future.

This is a pragmatic, responsible and democratic path forward: one that respects public concerns, rebuilds national consensus and gives the UK the best possible chance of securing a successful future inside the European Union.

The findings make the case plainly. With 58% wanting the UK to consider its long-term future in Europe, and only 27% who would never revisit membership, there is a clear and growing appetite for a measured path back. European Movement UK's 10-year plan answers that call.

On Wednesday, at a packed event in Westminster Chapel to mark 10 years since the 2016 Referendum, pro-Europeans, politicians and thought leaders gathered to reflect on what the next 10 years might hold for our place in Europe - and the future that we want to build.

The event also saw the launch of the European Movement’s new brand, centred on steadfast belief in the UK in Europe, and a sense of hope and optimism for the future.

Here are a few highlights from a rich and wide-ranging discussion:

Lib Dem leader Ed Davy announces his party’s commitment to joining the EU’s single market and customs union, calling on the government to scrap its ‘red lines’ on Europe which he says are ‘holding Britain back’. Watch his speech on our Instagram channel.

Attorney General Richard Hermer KC passionately defends Britain’s participation in the ECHR, while acknowledging that leaving the EU has damaged Britain, our economy and our place in the world.

A resounding call to create hope and belief in a better world for young people, by making sure the benefits of connection with the EU are felt in every community came from the panel on values, citizenship and opportunity.

From AI to climate change, our ‘global issues’ discussion with Caroline Lucas, Dominic Grieve, Peter Jukes and Valerie Kirwan placed our relationship with Europe in the context of some of the biggest challenges facing humanity today.

A sober conversation on defence brought out the absolute necessity of working closely with European neighbours on our security to protect ourselves in an increasingly dangerous world.

Messages of hope and encouragement were shared by pro-Europeans who couldn’t make it on the day, including Ukraine’s Kira Rudik, Neil Kinnock, Philip Rycroft and Maurizio Bragnani. Watch Kira Rudik's speech here

The Young European Movement finished off the day with a visit to Downing Street to hand in an open letter signed by MPs, calling for progress on a Youth Experience Scheme that would open doors for thousands of young people to live and work in EU countries.

A huge thank you to everyone who came to the event, and helped make it such an inspiring and hopeful day. Keep an eye on our YouTube channel for more content from the day.

 

The European Movement has existed since 1949. During the last 77 years, we have weathered many changes in the political winds that dictate Britain’s relationship with the rest of Europe, from the highs of the 1970s when we became part of the European Economic Area, to the lows of 2016 and the subsequent Brexit years.

Throughout all this time, one thing has been constant - our belief in the benefits of European cooperation. That belief was first articulated by our founder, Winston Churchill, when he spoke about ‘the European family’ as a structure for peace, safety and freedom.

And that belief still holds true today, especially in a world where war, a shifting global order, and major new challenges such as the rise of AI demand our attention. In today’s volatile world, we simply cannot afford to ‘go it alone’.

Our steadfast belief in the UK as part of Europe underpins the new brand that we have just launched today. The brand is focussed on optimism, belief, and making clear the practical benefits of a deeper partnership with the EU for all of us - across the economy, personal opportunities, safety and security, energy and the environment, healthcare, and more.

We realised a little while ago that being known as the ‘anti-Brexit campaign’ was counter-productive, tying us to a period in British politics that most people would rather forget. Polling consistently shows us that a majority of the public want a new relationship with Europe, but dread a return to the dark, divisive days of Brexit.

So our new brand, launched to coincide with the 10th anniversary of the 2016 referendum, signals that we are turning a new page. Not just as a campaign but, we hope, as a country. It’s time to lay the arguments of the past to rest, and to focus instead on the future that we want to build.

Here at the European Movement, we believe that must be a European future - for jobs, for young people, for our shared safety, for a stronger NHS, and for protecting our human rights. We can only reap all these benefits, and more, as part of the European Union.

For most people, the European Movement and our brand are not the story. Our campaign is a meeting place for pro-Europeans, and a vehicle for driving forward the change our country needs. With this rebrand, and the move to a more modern, streamlined identity that can appeal to a wider audience, we are simply making sure that vehicle is fit for purpose and well-equipped for the journey ahead. Because the real story is the impact that we can have, together, as a movement. The story of our journey home to Europe.

If, like us, you also believe in the UK in Europe,  join our movement today.

 

The question facing ministers is not simply how much Britain spends on defence, but how effectively that money is spent. In an increasingly dangerous world, closer UK–European defence cooperation must be central to the answer. 

By Sir Nick Harvey, CEO, European Movement UK 

The resignation of John Healey as Defence Secretary should send shockwaves through Westminster. 

Defence Secretaries do not resign lightly, particularly at a time of war in Europe, growing instability in the Middle East and mounting pressure on Britain's armed forces. Yet Healey concluded that he could no longer support the government's delayed Defence Investment Plan, reportedly warning that the funding settlement being offered was inadequate for the scale of the threats Britain faces. 

His departure follows reports that the Chief of the Defence Staff, Air Chief Marshal Sir Rich Knighton, also felt compelled to write directly to the Prime Minister amid concerns that the resources under discussion would fall short of Britain's defence requirements. 

Taken together, these developments reveal more than a disagreement over budgets. They expose a deeper challenge facing Britain as it seeks to define its place in an increasingly dangerous world. 

There is no doubt that Britain needs to invest more in defence. Russia's invasion of Ukraine continues to threaten European security. Cyber attacks, economic coercion and hybrid threats are becoming ever more commonplace. The strategic assumptions that shaped the post-Cold War era are rapidly disappearing. 

But there is another reality that policymakers must confront honestly. 

For more than seventy years, European security rested upon a simple assumption: that the United States would ultimately underwrite the defence of the continent. That assumption can no longer be taken for granted. 

This is not a criticism of our American allies, whose contribution to European security has been immense. But the geopolitical realities of the twenty-first century are changing. Washington's strategic focus is increasingly directed towards the Indo-Pacific and the challenge posed by China. Successive American administrations have urged European nations to take greater responsibility for their own defence and security. 

NATO remains the cornerstone of our collective defence and will continue to do so. Yet the era of a Pax Americana, in which Europe could assume that the United States would always provide the decisive military backstop, is coming to an end. The guarantee remains, but the certainty that once surrounded it has weakened. 

That reality should shape every aspect of Britain's Defence Investment Plan. 

If Europe is expected to shoulder a greater share of responsibility for its own security, then it follows that Britain cannot think about defence purely through a national lens. We must begin with a recognition that our security is inseparable from that of our European neighbours. 

In the harsh realities of today's world, Europe is not simply one option among many. It is the arena in which Britain's security will be won or lost. When it comes to defence planning for the decades ahead, Europe is the only game in town. 

This is where the debate raised by Healey's resignation becomes especially important. 

If resources are constrained, as both Healey and Sir Rich Knighton appear to believe, then Britain has an even greater responsibility to ensure that every pound spent on defence delivers the maximum possible strategic effect. 

Yet too often European defence procurement remains fragmented and inefficient. 

Perhaps the clearest example is Europe's approach to sixth-generation combat aircraft. At present, two separate programmes are being developed simultaneously: the UK-led Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP), involving Britain, Italy and Japan, and the Franco-German-Spanish Future Combat Air System (FCAS). 

Both projects have merit. Yet at a time when governments across Europe are searching for additional defence resources, it is legitimate to ask whether the continent can afford such duplication. 

The same challenge can be seen across missile systems, armoured vehicles, naval platforms and defence research. Europe collectively spends vast sums on defence, but often fails to generate the military capability that expenditure should deliver because investment remains dispersed across overlapping national programmes. 

That reality strengthens, rather than weakens, the case for closer UK-European cooperation. 

Britain should be leading efforts to deepen defence industrial collaboration, pursue joint procurement where appropriate, align future capability requirements and strengthen Europe's collective defence industrial base. Such cooperation would not diminish sovereignty; it would enhance our ability to act by ensuring that Europe possesses the industrial capacity, technological capability and military resilience needed to defend itself in a more uncertain world. 

The UK-EU Security and Defence Partnership agreed last year provides an important foundation. The next step must be to turn that political commitment into practical cooperation through joint capability development, industrial collaboration and coordinated investment. 

John Healey's resignation has highlighted an uncomfortable truth. Britain faces growing threats at a time when resources are under pressure and old assumptions about security are fading away. 

The response cannot simply be to ask how much more money can be found. We must also ask how Europe can make better use of the resources it already possesses. 

If the Defence Investment Plan is to succeed, it must recognise the reality of modern security. Britain's future security will depend not only on the strength of its own armed forces, but on the strength of the continent alongside which they operate. 

In an age of growing threats, finite resources and a changing transatlantic relationship, Britain needs a Defence Investment Plan that is truly continental in its ambition.