European Movement UK has launched a new documentary exploring Iceland’s recent referendum on its future relationship with Europe.

Iceland’s Place In Europe was filmed in Reykjavík and beyond during the week Icelanders went to the polls to decide whether to reopen negotiations on joining the European Union.

Watch the documentary here:

By 52.8% to 47.2%, Icelanders voted against reopening negotiations, with more than 225,000 people taking part.

The documentary hears from voices on all sides of this national conversation, exploring the arguments that shaped the campaign and what Iceland’s experience can teach pro-European campaigners in the UK.

The result was not what Iceland’s pro-European campaigners had hoped for. But the referendum showed that, as the world changes, countries can reopen conversations about Europe and look again at the future they want to build.

Watch Iceland’s Place In Europe now.

 

On Sunday, the results of the Icelandic referendum on reopening EU membership negotiations were announced. Some 225,000 voters took to the polls, representing a turnout of 82.5%, to determine whether the mid-Atlantic nation would resume the accession talks that had been suspended in 2013.

The people of Iceland decided, by a narrow margin of 52.8% to 47.2% to reject the proposal, meaning that membership negotiations will remain suspended and will not be reopened.

The response to the result around Europe was muted. At the request of Reykjavík, the EU remained silent during the campaign leading up to the vote and continued to keep a low profile in response to the results. There was no public statement from Commission President Ursula von der Leyen on the issue, while European Council President António Costa said only that “the EU fully respects the democratic choice of the Icelandic people… Iceland remains one of the EU’s closest and most trusted partners.”

Eurosceptics across the continent have seized the opportunity to claim that the result is a damning indictment of the European Union which proves some fundamental failings of the EU. It’s a predictable response. It’s also a lazy one.

A team from European Movement UK were on the ground in Iceland making a short film about the referendum – which will be released soon – and found that many No voters argued passionately for rejecting the reopening of negotiations while simultaneously affirming their support for Iceland continuing to work closely with Europe.

From being on-the-ground during the vote and listening to Icelanders, the results of Iceland's referendum tell us far more about the domestic situation of the island nation, and the relationship between Reykjavík and Iceland's rural regions, than they do about people's views on Europe.

Motivations for voting No

Despite the misinformation and fear-mongering during the campaign on the cost of EU membership, the loss of sovereignty, and the undermining of Iceland’s proud and deeply historical culture, the concerns of many No voters were far less verbose.

Fisheries were central to the argument for many. The industry employs 4% of the nation’s workforce and accounts for approximately 8% of the national GDP, giving it similar weight to the finance and insurance industry here in the UK. Many No voters expressed concern that, under the EU’s Common Fisheries Policy, Iceland would find its quotas reduced and its control over this central industry restricted by the EU.

Agriculture and farming produced similar concerns. Davíð Clausen Pétursson, a third-generation farmer, told The Guardian that reopening negotiations on EU membership would bring about years of uncertainty and instability to his industry, which has been steadily growing stronger in recent years – a departure from the picture in much of the rest of Europe.

But, like many No voters, Davíð made clear that his vote was not a rejection of the EU, saying “I’m not against anything in the EU at all. I am half Danish, my mother is Danish and we of course buy a lot from Europe.”

This was a more common position than some headlines would have you believe.

In the port town of Akranes, shortly after the results were announced, the team spoke with Gísli who, despite having voted No, told them firmly that “Icelanders are Europeans. [There is] no other way than strengthening the ties with our neighbour nations. On the whole, we are Europeans and we want to have a good cooperation with European nations and the public in Europe.”

Many Icelanders rejected Reykjavík, not Europe

Other interviewees were focused on even more local issues, with wider foreign policy seeming to play little part in their decision-making for the referendum. Familiar concerns were repeatedly raised about the government’s record on infrastructure, jobs, and inflation.

For many, especially in towns and rural areas, the EU was a distant issue by comparison, and they expressed frustration at Reykjavík’s attention having been drawn away from the grassroots issues that impact ordinary Icelanders day-to-day.

For many of these people, the arguments of the Yes campaign were not so much disagreeable as they were irrelevant. The promise of adopting the euro many years into the future, which likely would help ease Iceland’s runaway inflation and proved a popular talking point for young voters, did not sufficiently make up for the lack of action in the present. Arguments about national security, especially in light of Donald Trump’s imperialist ambitions for neighbouring Greenland, paled in comparison to communities’ desperate need for tunnels and roads so their children can reliably get to school.

For many, daily life decided the referendum. Not geopolitics.

There were, of course, less nuanced arguments made during the debate, with inaccurate estimates, exaggerated claims, and emotional propaganda being leveraged throughout the campaign. Many of the No voters in Reykjavík, the urban heartland of the Yes campaign, also told our team that they wanted Iceland to maintain ‘control’ and not cede any powers to the EU.

But these grand statements and sweeping claims were not what decided the result.

"Icelanders are Europeans."

Iceland is in both the European Economic Area and in the Schengen Agreement. It is a nation of around 400,000 people that is historically, culturally, and economically intertwined with the EU in a thousand different ways. And the result of this referendum changes none of that.

As the EU prepares to embark on its biggest enlargement effort for decades, a wealthy country like Iceland agreeing to join the list of active candidate countries would have cemented the bloc as an attractive prospect for all nations, not just those in need of the economic and democratic stability it can provide.

But the referendum should not be taken as a rejection of Europe or of the EU, either. Iceland is in the EU single market. It has freedom of movement and, like Gísli told our team, “Icelanders are Europeans”. The results last weekend present no evidence for that changing.

The lesson for the UK's European future

If pro-EU campaigners are to take anything from this result, it should be to look locally. Whilst high-level arguments of geopolitics, ideological arguments, and international security might be convincing to some, these issues have little cut-through when set against the immediate concerns facing people and their communities.

Here in the UK, we have to learn that too. When we come to a point where the UK is able to join the EU, it will have to be with an overwhelming majority of the country on board, across every city, town, village, and hamlet. It will have to be a movement built on stable domestic politics and arguments that appeal to the majority. Building that majority is the task of the years ahead.

This means making the case for a European future through the things that matter in people's everyday lives: good jobs and thriving local businesses; opportunities for young people to study, travel and work across Europe; stronger communities; greater security; and the freedom to live, work and build a life across our continent.

It also means listening. A successful movement cannot simply tell people why Europe matters. It has to understand what matters to them and demonstrate how a closer relationship with our European neighbours can help deliver it.

Icelanders have had a relatively respectful, national conversation about their relationship with Europe. Yes, the No campaign won but a lot of Icelanders didn’t vote against the EU on Sunday – they voted against Reykjavík. Other voters believe this conversation will continue. 

When the time comes for the UK to have this conversation, we need to make sure that voters feel confident voting for the UK to join the EU, rather than voting against an out-of-touch government in London.

Joining the EU cannot be about going back to the UK of 2016. It has to be about building the UK we want to see in 2036.

By Joe Meighan - 

Andy Burnham’s statement that the UK needs to be “bolder” in its relationship with the EU is welcome. It is also a good way to frame the next UK–EU summit.

The reset so far has been a measured success. Relations are better. Trust has been rebuilt. There has been progress in areas where cooperation had become difficult after Brexit.

But what has often been missing is boldness and, at times, bravery. That applies to both sides.

The reset was built around British red lines. The conversation has often been about what the UK wants from Europe, followed by what it is not prepared to offer in return. That can only take us so far. The next summit should be different.

The UK should arrive ready to negotiate in good faith. That means accepting that worthwhile agreements involve concessions. Reports that the Government could consider home-fee status for EU students as part of a youth mobility agreement are a good example. If we want something meaningful from our European partners, we have to be prepared to put something meaningful on the table.

Perhaps it is time to borrow from Kennedy: let’s ask not only what Europe can do for Britain, but what Britain can do for Europe.

That should apply across the relationship. On defence and security, energy, trade, youth mobility, education and the movement of people, Britain has a lot to offer. We should approach these talks as a European country with a stake in making our continent stronger, safer and more prosperous.

The EU should be prepared to think boldly too. A closer relationship will require flexibility and political courage in Brussels as well as London.

Burnham’s words suggest a change in approach. We welcome it.

The next step is to put that boldness into practice. Britain should go to the summit ready not just to ask for a better relationship with Europe, but to help build the Europe we want to be part of. A first step in that direction could be the concession that, in a Burnham administration, the red lines are at least in pencil not ink.

Today, European Movement UK delivered a petition signed by more than 27,000 people directly to Downing Street, calling on the new Prime Minister to set out a more ambitious future for the UK in Europe.

The petition sets out five clear asks for the Prime Minister:

• Drop the red lines on Europe
• Publish, by the end of 2026, a strategy for cementing the UK’s place in Europe
• Make the UK Europe’s closest security partner
• Launch a national conversation about our European future
• Put a well-considered route to EU membership in Labour’s next manifesto.

The hand-in marks the culmination of a campaign that has seen more than 27,000 people add their names in support of a bolder approach to the UK’s relationship with Europe. But delivering the petition is only the beginning.

For our security, our opportunities and our quality of life, the UK cannot afford to settle for the approach of previous governments. The new Prime Minister now has an opportunity to lead the country towards a new European future, and European Movement UK will continue pushing the government to seize it.

Emma Knaggs, Deputy CEO of European Movement UK, said:

“More than 27,000 people have sent a clear message to the new Prime Minister: Labour votes, and the public at large, wants greater ambition about the UK’s future in Europe.

“Today we made sure that message reached Downing Street. Now we need the Prime Minister to act on it.

“This is about our security, our opportunities and our quality of life. The UK has an opportunity to build a stronger European future, and our movement will keep pushing until that opportunity is seized.”

More details on Our Five Asks for Andy are here.

Social care, cost of living, and the Middle East have been part of the Prime Minister and his team's early communications blitz. But what about Europe? 

There is a new EU team in the Foreign Office with Ed Miliband, Lord Wood of Anfield and Hamish Falconer, now taking responsibility for the EU brief. But there is yet to be a new date set for the postponed, and second, UK-EU Summit, and no word on whether the new PM will stick to Labour's red lines on the customs union, single market and freedom of movement. This leaves us with questions that need answers.

Firstly, who now leads the Summit talks? Maroš Šefčovič has spoken to Hamish Falconer, referred to Jonathan Reynolds as his counterpart, and Ed Miliband is venturing to France and Spain to meet European leaders. Clarity on this is essential. 

Next, what is the new administration's wider strategy on UK-EU relations? Beyond small deals and good vibes, the EU summit talks have stagnated. Partly to do with the previous government's lack of ability to address the big problems, such as defence spending, regulatory divergence from our largest trading partner and persistent red tape. 

We need to know when Andy Burnham will lead diplomatic efforts to Europe, either through Ursula von der Leyen or other national leaders of EU member states. We also need to know where we stand in regards to the advanced talks that were due to be coming to a close, and announced, by the date of the delayed summit. Namely, the talks on:

A food deal

The government has already said it is forming a new strategic partnership with the EU on the trade and movement of plants, plant products, animals, animal products, feed and food. This is called a sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) agreement. Will this still happen by their target date of mid-2027? UK businesses need clarity.

A youth mobility deal

This is yet to be fully agreed. No operational post-Brexit youth mobility visa route or final treaty text has been finalised. Will young people in the UK finally be able to study and work freely in Europe?

Emissions trading

The UK Emissions Trading Scheme (UK ETS) is already linked to the EU ETS via the Trade and Cooperation Agreement. This link is not an unlimited carbon market merger. A full and permanent link between the two schemes would deliver profound benefits to both sides.

Sir Nick Harvey, CEO of European Movement UK, said:

"The first weeks of any new government matter. They establish its priorities, define its political direction and reveal which problems it is prepared to confront. Andy Burnham’s administration has begun with a rapid series of announcements focused on living costs and public services. But amid that activity, one major question remains unanswered: what is the government’s plan for Europe?

"Issues which are not established as priorities at the beginning of an administration can quickly become secondary as budgets, crises and political pressures soon crowd out longer-term reform. 

“Unless Europe is placed firmly within the government’s economic programme now, there is a danger it will once again be reduced to occasional summits, technical negotiations and modest adjustments."

See our Five Asks for Andy here.

European Movement UK has today set out five asks for Andy Burnham as he takes office, calling on the new Prime Minister to seize the moment and build a bold, forward-looking agenda that leads the UK towards a new European future.

The Five Asks are:

• Drop the red lines on Europe
• By the end of 2026, publish a strategy for cementing the UK's place in Europe
• Make the UK Europe's closest security partner
• Launch a national conversation on the UK's European future
• Put a route to EU membership in Labour's next manifesto

Drop the red lines on Europe

European Movement UK says the Government's self-imposed red lines have become barriers to the UK's prosperity and security. While the relationship with Europe has stabilised and improved, the group argues the red lines no longer make sense in today's world. To deliver the economic growth the Government has promised, and to give businesses confidence, it is calling on the new Government to remove the arbitrary and self-imposed restrictions on the UK joining the European single market and customs union.

Put a route to EU membership in Labour's next manifesto

The campaign wants the Government to stop tinkering around the edges of the relationship with Europe and to commit that the next Labour Party manifesto will include a clear pathway for closer European integration, including the option of opening accession negotiations for the UK as a member state. European Movement UK says this is about recognising that the UK's long-term future will always belong in Europe, and giving the public an honest, democratic choice.

Cement the UK's place in Europe by the end of 2026

The group is calling for a comprehensive, integrated strategy for rebuilding the UK's place in Europe by the end of 2026. It notes that the UK is back in Erasmus+ and that progress on an SPS agreement is being made. It says the UK and EU should now finalise the Youth Mobility Scheme, agree mutual recognition of professional qualifications, and negotiate a solution to the obstacles facing cultural and creative professionals. For shared prosperity and security, European Movement UK also wants deeper defence and security integration, linked Emissions Trading Systems, cooperation on energy procurement and price controls, and ultimately a roadmap towards the UK's single market participation.

Make the UK Europe's closest security partner

European Movement UK says this must not wait. It is calling on the Government to deepen defence cooperation, participate fully in European defence programmes such as SAFE, align foreign policy where appropriate, and make the UK central to Europe's shared security architecture.

Launch a national conversation on the UK's European future

The campaign argues that every problem the country faces has been made worse by its untimely exit from the EU, and that the UK must be clear about the root causes of its problems and address them head-on. It wants an open national conversation on questions such as freedom of movement, economic alignment with European neighbours, defence cooperation, and joint efforts to tackle climate change. Europe, the group says, is integral to who we are and what we want to be as a country.

Ireland takes up the Presidency of the Council of the European Union today, and it has made clear that building a stronger relationship between the UK and the EU will be one of its priorities. For everyone who believes the UK belongs at the heart of Europe, that is good news.

The Presidency runs from 1 July to 31 December 2026. For those six months, Ireland is in the driving seat, setting the agenda, chairing the negotiations, and bringing 27 governments together to get things done. It is a role that carries real influence over the direction of EU policy, and Ireland has held it seven times before, most recently in 2013. But so much has happened since then, most notably the UK leaving the EU.

This time, the UK is written directly into the plan. Ireland's official programme describes the UK as a vital partner for the EU, and commits to advancing positive relations with it, alongside the United States and Canada.

That commitment goes beyond words. Ireland will likely invite UK government ministers to informal meetings it will host over the six months. It is a small but significant gesture, and a sign of how seriously Ireland is taking the job of bringing the UK and the EU closer together.

Ireland is the EU member state most closely bound to the UK economically. Irish and British businesses run deeply integrated supply chains across goods, services, energy, finance, higher education and research, and choices made at EU level have immediate consequences for investment, jobs and growth across these islands. A closer partnership means more opportunity on both sides of the Irish Sea.

The wider Presidency is built around three themes: competitiveness, values and security. Ireland has said it wants a Presidency defined by action and by delivery, with work planned on the EU's long-term budget for 2028 to 2034, the single market, enlargement, and continued support for Ukraine.

Placing the UK relationship within that framework matters. It treats closer cooperation with the UK as part of Europe's own strength and stability. That is exactly the kind of partnership we want to build: one measured in the practical benefits it delivers for people, across the economy, opportunities for young people, safety and security, energy and the environment, and health.

The timing is significant. With trust between the UK and the EU steadily growing, having a close friend of the UK in the Presidency chair for the second half of 2026 is a real opportunity, especially for the next UK-EU summit later this year. It is a chance to move forward together, on the areas where working more closely would improve life for people in both the UK and the EU.

Ireland understands the value of that partnership better than most. Its own membership of the EU has, in the government's own words, transformed the country, supporting peace, prosperity and opportunity. Over the next six months, it is well placed to make the case, from the inside, for a future where the UK and Europe move forward together.

New polling commissioned by European Movement UK shows that the public wants the UK to begin charting a long-term path back into the European Union, with a clear majority backing a considered, decade-long plan rather than a rushed return.

Key takeaways from the polling:

• 58% of people agree that the UK needs to think about its long-term future in the European Union, against just 27% who say membership should never be revisited.
• Voters favour a managed, not rushed, route to full membership, with evidence pointing to support for a credible and well-prepared process rather than an immediate return.
• The public wants the new Prime Minister to act now, setting the country on a path back towards Europe.

The findings show that many voters recognise that rebuilding the UK's relationship with Europe requires preparation, consensus-building and practical reforms before membership can realistically be achieved. That is why European Movement UK is launching a 10-year plan to join the European Union.

Rather than reopening old arguments, the plan focuses on the future: growing the economy, creating opportunities for younger generations, strengthening the UK's influence in the world, and ensuring that any decision to join is made from a position of confidence and national unity.

The 10-year roadmap sets out a path to:

1. Rebuild trust with European partners and restore the UK's reputation as a reliable, constructive neighbour.
2. Demonstrate the economic benefits of closer cooperation, restoring practical links on trade, security, research and education.
3. Build a new national consensus, showing the public the responsibilities and the benefits of membership, and forging cross-party agreement on the UK's future.

This is a pragmatic, responsible and democratic path forward: one that respects public concerns, rebuilds national consensus and gives the UK the best possible chance of securing a successful future inside the European Union.

The findings make the case plainly. With 58% wanting the UK to consider its long-term future in Europe, and only 27% who would never revisit membership, there is a clear and growing appetite for a measured path back. European Movement UK's 10-year plan answers that call.