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What Iceland’s referendum can teach the UK
September 04, 2026
On Sunday, the results of the Icelandic referendum on reopening EU membership negotiations were announced. Some 225,000 voters took to the polls, representing a turnout of 82.5%, to determine whether the mid-Atlantic nation would resume the accession talks that had been suspended in 2013.
The people of Iceland decided, by a narrow margin of 52.8% to 47.2% to reject the proposal, meaning that membership negotiations will remain suspended and will not be reopened.
The response to the result around Europe was muted. At the request of Reykjavík, the EU remained silent during the campaign leading up to the vote and continued to keep a low profile in response to the results. There was no public statement from Commission President Ursula von der Leyen on the issue, while European Council President António Costa said only that “the EU fully respects the democratic choice of the Icelandic people… Iceland remains one of the EU’s closest and most trusted partners.”
Eurosceptics across the continent have seized the opportunity to claim that the result is a damning indictment of the European Union which proves some fundamental failings of the EU. It’s a predictable response. It’s also a lazy one.
A team from European Movement UK were on the ground in Iceland making a short film about the referendum – which will be released soon – and found that many No voters argued passionately for rejecting the reopening of negotiations while simultaneously affirming their support for Iceland continuing to work closely with Europe.
From being on-the-ground during the vote and listening to Icelanders, the results of Iceland's referendum tell us far more about the domestic situation of the island nation, and the relationship between Reykjavík and Iceland's rural regions, than they do about people's views on Europe.
Motivations for voting No
Despite the misinformation and fear-mongering during the campaign on the cost of EU membership, the loss of sovereignty, and the undermining of Iceland’s proud and deeply historical culture, the concerns of many No voters were far less verbose.
Fisheries were central to the argument for many. The industry employs 4% of the nation’s workforce and accounts for approximately 8% of the national GDP, giving it similar weight to the finance and insurance industry here in the UK. Many No voters expressed concern that, under the EU’s Common Fisheries Policy, Iceland would find its quotas reduced and its control over this central industry restricted by the EU.
Agriculture and farming produced similar concerns. Davíð Clausen Pétursson, a third-generation farmer, told The Guardian that reopening negotiations on EU membership would bring about years of uncertainty and instability to his industry, which has been steadily growing stronger in recent years – a departure from the picture in much of the rest of Europe.
But, like many No voters, Davíð made clear that his vote was not a rejection of the EU, saying “I’m not against anything in the EU at all. I am half Danish, my mother is Danish and we of course buy a lot from Europe.”
This was a more common position than some headlines would have you believe.
In the port town of Akranes, shortly after the results were announced, the team spoke with Gísli who, despite having voted No, told them firmly that “Icelanders are Europeans. [There is] no other way than strengthening the ties with our neighbour nations. On the whole, we are Europeans and we want to have a good cooperation with European nations and the public in Europe.”
Many Icelanders rejected Reykjavík, not Europe
Other interviewees were focused on even more local issues, with wider foreign policy seeming to play little part in their decision-making for the referendum. Familiar concerns were repeatedly raised about the government’s record on infrastructure, jobs, and inflation.
For many, especially in towns and rural areas, the EU was a distant issue by comparison, and they expressed frustration at Reykjavík’s attention having been drawn away from the grassroots issues that impact ordinary Icelanders day-to-day.
For many of these people, the arguments of the Yes campaign were not so much disagreeable as they were irrelevant. The promise of adopting the euro many years into the future, which likely would help ease Iceland’s runaway inflation and proved a popular talking point for young voters, did not sufficiently make up for the lack of action in the present. Arguments about national security, especially in light of Donald Trump’s imperialist ambitions for neighbouring Greenland, paled in comparison to communities’ desperate need for tunnels and roads so their children can reliably get to school.
For many, daily life decided the referendum. Not geopolitics.
There were, of course, less nuanced arguments made during the debate, with inaccurate estimates, exaggerated claims, and emotional propaganda being leveraged throughout the campaign. Many of the No voters in Reykjavík, the urban heartland of the Yes campaign, also told our team that they wanted Iceland to maintain ‘control’ and not cede any powers to the EU.
But these grand statements and sweeping claims were not what decided the result.
"Icelanders are Europeans."
Iceland is in both the European Economic Area and in the Schengen Agreement. It is a nation of around 400,000 people that is historically, culturally, and economically intertwined with the EU in a thousand different ways. And the result of this referendum changes none of that.
As the EU prepares to embark on its biggest enlargement effort for decades, a wealthy country like Iceland agreeing to join the list of active candidate countries would have cemented the bloc as an attractive prospect for all nations, not just those in need of the economic and democratic stability it can provide.
But the referendum should not be taken as a rejection of Europe or of the EU, either. Iceland is in the EU single market. It has freedom of movement and, like Gísli told our team, “Icelanders are Europeans”. The results last weekend present no evidence for that changing.
The lesson for the UK's European future
If pro-EU campaigners are to take anything from this result, it should be to look locally. Whilst high-level arguments of geopolitics, ideological arguments, and international security might be convincing to some, these issues have little cut-through when set against the immediate concerns facing people and their communities.
Here in the UK, we have to learn that too. When we come to a point where the UK is able to join the EU, it will have to be with an overwhelming majority of the country on board, across every city, town, village, and hamlet. It will have to be a movement built on stable domestic politics and arguments that appeal to the majority. Building that majority is the task of the years ahead.
This means making the case for a European future through the things that matter in people's everyday lives: good jobs and thriving local businesses; opportunities for young people to study, travel and work across Europe; stronger communities; greater security; and the freedom to live, work and build a life across our continent.
It also means listening. A successful movement cannot simply tell people why Europe matters. It has to understand what matters to them and demonstrate how a closer relationship with our European neighbours can help deliver it.
Icelanders have had a relatively respectful, national conversation about their relationship with Europe. Yes, the No campaign won but a lot of Icelanders didn’t vote against the EU on Sunday – they voted against Reykjavík. Other voters believe this conversation will continue.
When the time comes for the UK to have this conversation, we need to make sure that voters feel confident voting for the UK to join the EU, rather than voting against an out-of-touch government in London.
Joining the EU cannot be about going back to the UK of 2016. It has to be about building the UK we want to see in 2036.
Burnham and the EU must be bold - and brave
August 24, 2026
By Joe Meighan -
Andy Burnham’s statement that the UK needs to be “bolder” in its relationship with the EU is welcome. It is also a good way to frame the next UK–EU summit.
Over 27,000 people call on the Prime Minister to be bolder on Europe
August 06, 2026
Today, European Movement UK delivered a petition signed by more than 27,000 people directly to Downing Street, calling on the new Prime Minister to set out a more ambitious future for the UK in Europe.
The petition sets out five clear asks for the Prime Minister:
- Drop the red lines on Europe
- Publish, by the end of 2026, a strategy for cementing the UK’s place in Europe
- Make the UK Europe’s closest security partner
- Launch a national conversation about our European future
- Put a well-considered route to EU membership in Labour’s next manifesto.

The hand-in marks the culmination of a campaign that has seen more than 27,000 people add their names in support of a bolder approach to the UK’s relationship with Europe. But delivering the petition is only the beginning.
For our security, our opportunities and our quality of life, the UK cannot afford to settle for the approach of previous governments. The new Prime Minister now has an opportunity to lead the country towards a new European future, and European Movement UK will continue pushing the government to seize it.
Emma Knaggs, Deputy CEO of European Movement UK, said:
“More than 27,000 people have sent a clear message to the new Prime Minister: Labour votes, and the public at large, wants greater ambition about the UK’s future in Europe.
“Today we made sure that message reached Downing Street. Now we need the Prime Minister to act on it.
“This is about our security, our opportunities and our quality of life. The UK has an opportunity to build a stronger European future, and our movement will keep pushing until that opportunity is seized.”
Ten Days in No.10 - Why no word on Europe?
July 30, 2026
Social care, cost of living, and the Middle East have been part of the Prime Minister and his team's early communications blitz. But what about Europe?
There is a new EU team in the Foreign Office with Ed Miliband, Lord Wood of Anfield and Hamish Falconer, now taking responsibility for the EU brief. But there is yet to be a new date set for the postponed, and second, UK-EU Summit, and no word on whether the new PM will stick to Labour's red lines on the customs union, single market and freedom of movement. This leaves us with questions that need answers.
Firstly, who now leads the Summit talks? Maroš Šefčovič has spoken to Hamish Falconer, referred to Jonathan Reynolds as his counterpart, and Ed Miliband is venturing to France and Spain to meet European leaders. Clarity on this is essential.
Next, what is the new administration's wider strategy on UK-EU relations? Beyond small deals and good vibes, the EU summit talks have stagnated. Partly to do with the previous government's lack of ability to address the big problems, such as defence spending, regulatory divergence from our largest trading partner and persistent red tape.
We need to know when Andy Burnham will lead diplomatic efforts to Europe, either through Ursula von der Leyen or other national leaders of EU member states. We also need to know where we stand in regards to the advanced talks that were due to be coming to a close, and announced, by the date of the delayed summit. Namely, the talks on:
A food deal
The government has already said it is forming a new strategic partnership with the EU on the trade and movement of plants, plant products, animals, animal products, feed and food. This is called a sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) agreement. Will this still happen by their target date of mid-2027? UK businesses need clarity.
A youth mobility deal
This is yet to be fully agreed. No operational post-Brexit youth mobility visa route or final treaty text has been finalised. Will young people in the UK finally be able to study and work freely in Europe?
Emissions trading
The UK Emissions Trading Scheme (UK ETS) is already linked to the EU ETS via the Trade and Cooperation Agreement. This link is not an unlimited carbon market merger. A full and permanent link between the two schemes would deliver profound benefits to both sides.
Sir Nick Harvey, CEO of European Movement UK, said:
"The first weeks of any new government matter. They establish its priorities, define its political direction and reveal which problems it is prepared to confront. Andy Burnham’s administration has begun with a rapid series of announcements focused on living costs and public services. But amid that activity, one major question remains unanswered: what is the government’s plan for Europe?
"Issues which are not established as priorities at the beginning of an administration can quickly become secondary as budgets, crises and political pressures soon crowd out longer-term reform.
“Unless Europe is placed firmly within the government’s economic programme now, there is a danger it will once again be reduced to occasional summits, technical negotiations and modest adjustments."
See our Five Asks for Andy here.
European Movement UK sets out Five Asks for Andy Burnham as he becomes Prime Minister
July 20, 2026
European Movement UK has today set out five asks for Andy Burnham as he takes office, calling on the new Prime Minister to seize the moment and build a bold, forward-looking agenda that leads the UK towards a new European future.
How Ireland wants to bring the UK and EU closer during its EU Presidency
July 01, 2026
Ireland takes up the Presidency of the Council of the European Union today, and it has made clear that building a stronger relationship between the UK and the EU will be one of its priorities. For everyone who believes the UK belongs at the heart of Europe, that is good news.
Public backs a 10-year national plan to join the European Union
June 22, 2026
New polling commissioned by European Movement UK shows that the public wants the UK to begin charting a long-term path back into the European Union, with a clear majority backing a considered, decade-long plan rather than a rushed return.
Highlights from the ‘UK’s Future in Europe - The Next 10 Years Reimagined'
June 19, 2026
On Wednesday, at a packed event in Westminster Chapel to mark 10 years since the 2016 Referendum, pro-Europeans, politicians and thought leaders gathered to reflect on what the next 10 years might hold for our place in Europe - and the future that we want to build.
How our campaign is changing
June 17, 2026
The European Movement has existed since 1949. During the last 77 years, we have weathered many changes in the political winds that dictate Britain’s relationship with the rest of Europe, from the highs of the 1970s when we became part of the European Economic Area, to the lows of 2016 and the subsequent Brexit years.
John Healey's resignation is a stark warning for Britain's defence and security
June 12, 2026
The question facing ministers is not simply how much Britain spends on defence, but how effectively that money is spent. In an increasingly dangerous world, closer UK–European defence cooperation must be central to the answer.
By Sir Nick Harvey, CEO, European Movement UK